Social Problem Not Resolved
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After consideration for the fulfillment of rights of French Canadians within Canada and the success of Quebec's various sovereign movements, it can be said that the social problem is not resolved.
After the Great Depression in Quebec, politics had shifted largely to the right, as Quebec's leaders propagated the idea that failures attributed to capitalism and democracy had led to the spread of socialism, totalitarianism, and Civil war. A wave of clericalism and and Quebec nationalism begun as a result of these ideals, representing a conservative reaction of a traditional society which feared social change as a threat to its survival. [1]
Political alienation occurred as more and more voters complained of the indifference and incompetence of both the national leadership of Prime Minister Bennett and the Conservative Party, as well as the provincial leadership of Liberal Premier Louis-Alexandre Taschereau. Many of these discontented individuals gravitated towards French nationalists such as Henri Bourassa and Lionel Groulx, editor of L'action canadienne-francaise. Building on this political unrest, Maurice Duplessis led the new Union Nationale, a party identified with Quebec autonomism, to victory in 1936 with 58% of the vote, becoming premier. [2]
Prosperity returned with the second world war, as demand soars with the province's manpower, raw materials, and manufactures. 140,000 Francophone and Anglophone men voluntarily enlisted. However, the situation of the French Canadians had not improved from the First World War, as English was the dominant language in many services,such as radio, and was necessary for promotion. French units existed in some form but were distributed among English speaking units overseas. [3] Maurice Duplessis called an election in the fall of 1939, briefly after Canada declared war on Germany, expecting to ride the antiwar sentiment to political victory. However, Federal Cabinet Member Ernest Lapointe, the Quebec lieutenant of Prime Minister William Lyon Mackenzie King, leader of the Liberal Party, promised that no one would face conscription if the Liberal government was elected to parliament. The Union Nationale government was defeated by a landslide, with only 14 seats to 70 seats for the Liberal Party. Canadian leaders did manage to avoid the depths of the conscription crisis that had divided Canada among the linguistic barrier between the Anglophones and Francophones during the First World War. However, Prime Minister William Lyon Mackenzie King was not successful in avoiding conscription as his campaign had promised, and it became a reality in the final months of World War II. [4]
Acceptance of French-speaking units was greater in Canada from the start of the Second World War in comparison to the First. Units such as the Royal 22e Regiment, Les Fusiliers Mont-Royal, the Regiment de la Chaudiere and the Regiment de la Maisonneuve were created. In the Infantry, barracks life and most training was in French. As a result of this acceptance, Quebec's resistance towards the war effort found itself diminished in its ferocity. However, similar French-speaking units could not be found in the rest of the military, as radio commands and technical instruction continued to be dominated by the English language. This also made French Canadian promotion extremely difficult. [5]
Maurice Duplessis returned as premier in 1944, and would continue to lead a highly conservative government for the next 15 years. Quebec remained a culturally insular province during this period, in contrast to the modernizing influences sweeping across the rest of Canada, and closer church-state relationships became a reality. However, agitation for reform came from liberal Quebecois during the Duplessis years and signs of frustration were evident in the Asbestos Strike of 1949, one of the most violent and bitter labour disputes of Quebec history, which eventually led to a greater appreciation of labour and socio-democratic issues in Quebec and could have contributed in part to the Quiet Revolution.
After the Great Depression in Quebec, politics had shifted largely to the right, as Quebec's leaders propagated the idea that failures attributed to capitalism and democracy had led to the spread of socialism, totalitarianism, and Civil war. A wave of clericalism and and Quebec nationalism begun as a result of these ideals, representing a conservative reaction of a traditional society which feared social change as a threat to its survival. [1]
Political alienation occurred as more and more voters complained of the indifference and incompetence of both the national leadership of Prime Minister Bennett and the Conservative Party, as well as the provincial leadership of Liberal Premier Louis-Alexandre Taschereau. Many of these discontented individuals gravitated towards French nationalists such as Henri Bourassa and Lionel Groulx, editor of L'action canadienne-francaise. Building on this political unrest, Maurice Duplessis led the new Union Nationale, a party identified with Quebec autonomism, to victory in 1936 with 58% of the vote, becoming premier. [2]
Prosperity returned with the second world war, as demand soars with the province's manpower, raw materials, and manufactures. 140,000 Francophone and Anglophone men voluntarily enlisted. However, the situation of the French Canadians had not improved from the First World War, as English was the dominant language in many services,such as radio, and was necessary for promotion. French units existed in some form but were distributed among English speaking units overseas. [3] Maurice Duplessis called an election in the fall of 1939, briefly after Canada declared war on Germany, expecting to ride the antiwar sentiment to political victory. However, Federal Cabinet Member Ernest Lapointe, the Quebec lieutenant of Prime Minister William Lyon Mackenzie King, leader of the Liberal Party, promised that no one would face conscription if the Liberal government was elected to parliament. The Union Nationale government was defeated by a landslide, with only 14 seats to 70 seats for the Liberal Party. Canadian leaders did manage to avoid the depths of the conscription crisis that had divided Canada among the linguistic barrier between the Anglophones and Francophones during the First World War. However, Prime Minister William Lyon Mackenzie King was not successful in avoiding conscription as his campaign had promised, and it became a reality in the final months of World War II. [4]
Acceptance of French-speaking units was greater in Canada from the start of the Second World War in comparison to the First. Units such as the Royal 22e Regiment, Les Fusiliers Mont-Royal, the Regiment de la Chaudiere and the Regiment de la Maisonneuve were created. In the Infantry, barracks life and most training was in French. As a result of this acceptance, Quebec's resistance towards the war effort found itself diminished in its ferocity. However, similar French-speaking units could not be found in the rest of the military, as radio commands and technical instruction continued to be dominated by the English language. This also made French Canadian promotion extremely difficult. [5]
Maurice Duplessis returned as premier in 1944, and would continue to lead a highly conservative government for the next 15 years. Quebec remained a culturally insular province during this period, in contrast to the modernizing influences sweeping across the rest of Canada, and closer church-state relationships became a reality. However, agitation for reform came from liberal Quebecois during the Duplessis years and signs of frustration were evident in the Asbestos Strike of 1949, one of the most violent and bitter labour disputes of Quebec history, which eventually led to a greater appreciation of labour and socio-democratic issues in Quebec and could have contributed in part to the Quiet Revolution.
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By 1960, a new generation of Quebecois was expressing frustration with its position within Canada. Francophones still felt a significant gap in between English-speaking and French-speaking citizens. The language of business in Quebec was English, and the vast majority of immigrants to Quebec learned English, not French. Most of the largest companies were owned by English Canadians. "C'est le temps que ca change" - "It's time for a change" - was the slogan of the Liberal Party in the 1960 provincial election. This led the Liberals to victory, ushering in a period of socio-political transformations, especially in terms of the Quebecois national identity, characterized by the secularization of society, the creation of a welfare state, and the realignment of politics into federalist and sovereignist divisions. In this period, the Quebec government took numerous steps to develop greater autonomy.
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The Quebecois government invested heavily in the province's industries, in an attempt to modernize the economy and encourage the development of Francophone businesses. The fields of health care and education were taken over by the government, after being in the hands of the Roman Catholic Church for many years. However, this period also welcomed the emergence of intense nationalist violence, as it was the beginning of a movement called La Revolution Tranquille, or the Quiet Revolution.
Under the slogan "maitre chez nous", or "masters in our own house", the provincial government stated its desire for special status within Canada. In 1963, the first bombs of the Front de liberation du Quebec (FLQ), a group that militantly supported the Quebec sovereignist movement, were detonated in Montreal. Between 1960 and 1970, the FLQ was responsible for more than 200 bombings. British diplomat James Cross and Quebec minister of labour and immigration Pierre Laporte were both kidnapped by the FLQ, the latter of whom was killed. [7]
Militant activity came to a head in 1970 with the October Crisis, which led to Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau invoking the War Measures Act, giving police the power to search, question, and arrest suspects without cause. The nation was also put under temporary martial law. Although many thought that the Act restricted their civil rights, 92% believed that having a strong military presence in Quebec proved a concerted effort on the part of the Canadian government to protect Quebec citizens from the terrorism. 497 people were arrested and held in custody for up to three weeks without being charged in the duration of the Act. The fallout of the crisis marked the zenith of the FLQ, which then lost membership and public support.
In 1967, Rene Levesque quit the Liberal Party to found the Mouvement Souverainete-Association (MSA), which would eventually merge with the Rassemblement pour l'independence nationale (RIN) in 1968 to form the Parti Quebecois, under the leadership of Levesque. Separatist parties gained 8% of the popular vote in Quebec in 1966, 23% in 1970, and 30% in 1973, demonstrating the rapid development of a separatist ideology in Quebec. [8]
In 1976 the Parti Quebecois under Rene Levesque was elected, forming the first separatist government of the province. In their campaign, the Parti quebecois promised in its campaign that it would not declare independence without first obtaining a mandate through a referendum. On May 20, 1980, the first referendum was held on sovereignty-association, but was rejected by a majority of 59.56%. [9]
In 1982, Prime Minister Trudeau and the provincial premiers agreed to patriate Canada's Constitution from Great Britain in the Canada Act of 1982, severing virtually all remaining constitutional and legislative ties between the United Kingdom and Canada. The Act was signed by all provinces except Quebec, however the Supreme Court of Canada confirmed Trudeau's assertion that every province's approval is not required to amend the constitution. Premier Levesque claimed that the Constitution had been imposed on Quebec against its will and did not reflect the needs of the province. Although Quebec was bound by the new Constitution, French Canadians remained unhappy. [10]
In 1985 the Parti Quebecois was defeated by the Quebec Liberal Party in the Quebec election. The Liberals would continue to serve in office for two terms.
When Brian Mulroney became prime minister in 1984, his government was determined to make changes in the Constitution that would satisfy Quebec and persuade the province to sign the Canada Act; however, the accord that followed, called the Meech Accord, was considered unacceptable to many of the Anglophones of Canada, as it included the confirmation and constitutional recognition of Quebec as a 'distinct society' within Canada, the concession of all provinces to constitutional amendments, and a requirement stating that the Supreme Court of Canada needing to contain at least three judges from Quebec. The accord was rejected. [11]
Under the slogan "maitre chez nous", or "masters in our own house", the provincial government stated its desire for special status within Canada. In 1963, the first bombs of the Front de liberation du Quebec (FLQ), a group that militantly supported the Quebec sovereignist movement, were detonated in Montreal. Between 1960 and 1970, the FLQ was responsible for more than 200 bombings. British diplomat James Cross and Quebec minister of labour and immigration Pierre Laporte were both kidnapped by the FLQ, the latter of whom was killed. [7]
Militant activity came to a head in 1970 with the October Crisis, which led to Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau invoking the War Measures Act, giving police the power to search, question, and arrest suspects without cause. The nation was also put under temporary martial law. Although many thought that the Act restricted their civil rights, 92% believed that having a strong military presence in Quebec proved a concerted effort on the part of the Canadian government to protect Quebec citizens from the terrorism. 497 people were arrested and held in custody for up to three weeks without being charged in the duration of the Act. The fallout of the crisis marked the zenith of the FLQ, which then lost membership and public support.
In 1967, Rene Levesque quit the Liberal Party to found the Mouvement Souverainete-Association (MSA), which would eventually merge with the Rassemblement pour l'independence nationale (RIN) in 1968 to form the Parti Quebecois, under the leadership of Levesque. Separatist parties gained 8% of the popular vote in Quebec in 1966, 23% in 1970, and 30% in 1973, demonstrating the rapid development of a separatist ideology in Quebec. [8]
In 1976 the Parti Quebecois under Rene Levesque was elected, forming the first separatist government of the province. In their campaign, the Parti quebecois promised in its campaign that it would not declare independence without first obtaining a mandate through a referendum. On May 20, 1980, the first referendum was held on sovereignty-association, but was rejected by a majority of 59.56%. [9]
In 1982, Prime Minister Trudeau and the provincial premiers agreed to patriate Canada's Constitution from Great Britain in the Canada Act of 1982, severing virtually all remaining constitutional and legislative ties between the United Kingdom and Canada. The Act was signed by all provinces except Quebec, however the Supreme Court of Canada confirmed Trudeau's assertion that every province's approval is not required to amend the constitution. Premier Levesque claimed that the Constitution had been imposed on Quebec against its will and did not reflect the needs of the province. Although Quebec was bound by the new Constitution, French Canadians remained unhappy. [10]
In 1985 the Parti Quebecois was defeated by the Quebec Liberal Party in the Quebec election. The Liberals would continue to serve in office for two terms.
When Brian Mulroney became prime minister in 1984, his government was determined to make changes in the Constitution that would satisfy Quebec and persuade the province to sign the Canada Act; however, the accord that followed, called the Meech Accord, was considered unacceptable to many of the Anglophones of Canada, as it included the confirmation and constitutional recognition of Quebec as a 'distinct society' within Canada, the concession of all provinces to constitutional amendments, and a requirement stating that the Supreme Court of Canada needing to contain at least three judges from Quebec. The accord was rejected. [11]
![Picture](/uploads/2/5/8/7/25877265/3790790.png?315)
Lucien Bouchard, who had resigned from the Progressive Conservative Party to protest a change to the accord's distinct society clause, formed an informal coalition of unsatisfied Conservative and Liberal MPs from Quebec. The coalition became known as the Bloc Quebecois. In August 1990, Bloc candidate Gilles Duceppe was elected in a Montreal riding by-election and became the first Bloc Quebecois MP to be elected to the House of Commons. [12]
Since the rejection of the Meech Accord, tensions in the country had risen, and Quebec separatism was becoming a firm reality. The Mulroney government decided that the new Charlottetown Accord was to be ratified by a national referendum. The Conservative, Liberal, and NDP parties supported the Accord; however, it was opposed by the Bloc Quebecois and the western Reform Party. The Bloc argued that the Accord did not give Quebec enough powers. On October 26, 1992, Canadians rejected the Accord by 55 to 45 percent, a precipitating factor in the separatists' momentum towards the 1995 referendum. [13]
In the 1993 federal election, the Bloc Quebecois had captured the second most seats and was now the Official Opposition. Partially because of the failure of the Charlottetown Accord, the Parti Quebecois, now under the leadership of Jacques Parizeau, won the 1994 Quebec provincial election. On October 30,1995, the Quebec government held a referendum on the subject of political independence with the rest of Canada, although economic ties would be maintained. Ultimately, the referendum was rejected by a narrow 50.6 to 49.4 percent. In 1996, Parizeau resigned from the Parti Quebecois, and replaced by Lucien Bouchard. Gilles Duceppe eventually became the leader of the Bloc Quebecois. [14] In 1997, the Bloc Quebecois' share of the popular vote in Quebec fell to 38 percent, and the Reform Party became the Official Opposition of Canada. The Parti Quebecois was re-elected in the 1998 provincial election.
In December 1999, the federal Liberal government introduced the Clarity Act, which outlined the conditions under which the federal government would negotiate the separation of a province. The Bloc Quebecois fought to prevent the Bill from passing, but in 2000, it became law. This document made it clear that there was more to secession than a simple referendum vote. The Clarity Act was bitterly condemned by every provincial party in Quebec. Lucien Bouchard and the Parti Quebecois defined a clear majority vote as 50 percent plus one. Gilles Duceppe of the Bloc Quebecois argued that "In a democracy, the people decide. In Quebec, the Quebecois must make decisions concerning their own future..." However, the federal Liberal government stated that a small majority was too small a percent of the overall population to decide Canada's future, and that independence should be achieved through negotiation rather than a "unilateral declaration of independence". [15] As a result, the Quebec separatist movement lost its momentum.
In 2003, the Parti Quebecois was defeated by the Liberal Party. In 2006, a new left-wing party, the Quebec solidaire, was formed, and included many activists who had formerly been members of the PQ. This party supported Quebec sovereignty and placed a focus on left-wing ideals. In the 2007 provincial election, the party fell to 36 seats, the first time since 1973 that the party did not form the government or Official Opposition. In February 2011, the formation of a new provincial party, the "Coalition pour l'avenir de Quebec," or "Coalition for the Future of Quebec" was announced. This party did not support sovereignty, but it did support nationalism, in the sense that the endorsement of a referendum is prohibited, but the party will promote more autonomy if necessary. [16]
Canadians went to the polls again in 2011. This federal election, however, witnessed a major shift in the political landscape of Quebec. The NDP took 58 of the province's 75 seats. The Bloc was reduced to four seats and Gilles Duceppe, who lost his own seat, resigned as party leader. NDP leader Jack Layton courted the growing number of Quebecois who did not want another referendum on Quebec sovereignty. [17]
The Parti Quebecois won a minority government under Pauline Marois in the 2012 provincial election, embarking on a mission of "sovereignist governance" in relations with the rest of Canada. The centrepiece of this program was a bill entitled the Quebec Charter of Values, introduced in 2013, which would have curtailed minority religious identity by banning the wearing of religious symbols by those in the employ of the government.
Since the rejection of the Meech Accord, tensions in the country had risen, and Quebec separatism was becoming a firm reality. The Mulroney government decided that the new Charlottetown Accord was to be ratified by a national referendum. The Conservative, Liberal, and NDP parties supported the Accord; however, it was opposed by the Bloc Quebecois and the western Reform Party. The Bloc argued that the Accord did not give Quebec enough powers. On October 26, 1992, Canadians rejected the Accord by 55 to 45 percent, a precipitating factor in the separatists' momentum towards the 1995 referendum. [13]
In the 1993 federal election, the Bloc Quebecois had captured the second most seats and was now the Official Opposition. Partially because of the failure of the Charlottetown Accord, the Parti Quebecois, now under the leadership of Jacques Parizeau, won the 1994 Quebec provincial election. On October 30,1995, the Quebec government held a referendum on the subject of political independence with the rest of Canada, although economic ties would be maintained. Ultimately, the referendum was rejected by a narrow 50.6 to 49.4 percent. In 1996, Parizeau resigned from the Parti Quebecois, and replaced by Lucien Bouchard. Gilles Duceppe eventually became the leader of the Bloc Quebecois. [14] In 1997, the Bloc Quebecois' share of the popular vote in Quebec fell to 38 percent, and the Reform Party became the Official Opposition of Canada. The Parti Quebecois was re-elected in the 1998 provincial election.
In December 1999, the federal Liberal government introduced the Clarity Act, which outlined the conditions under which the federal government would negotiate the separation of a province. The Bloc Quebecois fought to prevent the Bill from passing, but in 2000, it became law. This document made it clear that there was more to secession than a simple referendum vote. The Clarity Act was bitterly condemned by every provincial party in Quebec. Lucien Bouchard and the Parti Quebecois defined a clear majority vote as 50 percent plus one. Gilles Duceppe of the Bloc Quebecois argued that "In a democracy, the people decide. In Quebec, the Quebecois must make decisions concerning their own future..." However, the federal Liberal government stated that a small majority was too small a percent of the overall population to decide Canada's future, and that independence should be achieved through negotiation rather than a "unilateral declaration of independence". [15] As a result, the Quebec separatist movement lost its momentum.
In 2003, the Parti Quebecois was defeated by the Liberal Party. In 2006, a new left-wing party, the Quebec solidaire, was formed, and included many activists who had formerly been members of the PQ. This party supported Quebec sovereignty and placed a focus on left-wing ideals. In the 2007 provincial election, the party fell to 36 seats, the first time since 1973 that the party did not form the government or Official Opposition. In February 2011, the formation of a new provincial party, the "Coalition pour l'avenir de Quebec," or "Coalition for the Future of Quebec" was announced. This party did not support sovereignty, but it did support nationalism, in the sense that the endorsement of a referendum is prohibited, but the party will promote more autonomy if necessary. [16]
Canadians went to the polls again in 2011. This federal election, however, witnessed a major shift in the political landscape of Quebec. The NDP took 58 of the province's 75 seats. The Bloc was reduced to four seats and Gilles Duceppe, who lost his own seat, resigned as party leader. NDP leader Jack Layton courted the growing number of Quebecois who did not want another referendum on Quebec sovereignty. [17]
The Parti Quebecois won a minority government under Pauline Marois in the 2012 provincial election, embarking on a mission of "sovereignist governance" in relations with the rest of Canada. The centrepiece of this program was a bill entitled the Quebec Charter of Values, introduced in 2013, which would have curtailed minority religious identity by banning the wearing of religious symbols by those in the employ of the government.
![Picture](/uploads/2/5/8/7/25877265/9888985.jpg?350)
Marois called a provincial election for April 2014, in an attempt to win a minority government. Despite leading in the polls, the campaign failed, and the PQ won only 25% of the vote and 30 seats, resulting in a majority Liberal government. The Coalition Avenir Quebec won 22 seats, and the Quebec Solidaire Party won 3 seats. Marois resigned as leader of the party the same night, having not won a seat in her own riding. [18]
The defeat of the Parti Quebecois delivered a crushing blow to the Quebec sovereignty movement, as the Liberal Party does not support separatism. Hopes for another referendum on the issue of Quebec separatism will be delayed for 4 more years. The vision of the separatists in Quebec of a country governed by the Francophones to a population of Francophones, where only the needs and wants of the population need be accounted for, has fallen out of reach - at least temporarily.
The defeat of the Parti Quebecois delivered a crushing blow to the Quebec sovereignty movement, as the Liberal Party does not support separatism. Hopes for another referendum on the issue of Quebec separatism will be delayed for 4 more years. The vision of the separatists in Quebec of a country governed by the Francophones to a population of Francophones, where only the needs and wants of the population need be accounted for, has fallen out of reach - at least temporarily.